, a polar scientist at the 天美影视传媒’s Applied Physics Laboratory, has been studying the Arctic Ocean for decades, and sailed part of the Northwest Passage in 2009. Stern’s latest work uses the earliest explorers’ experiences to better understand a maritime environment that still contains many unknowns. A published in November in Polar Geography uses Captain James Cook’s records of sea-ice edge, more than two centuries ago, as a way to understand the changes we’re seeing now. UW Today asked him a few questions about the project.

How did you come to publish a paper about this historical map of Arctic sea ice?

It started when I was writing a book chapter called “” for a book by 天美影视传媒 Press. In the course of researching Cook’s 1778 foray into the Arctic, I realized that he had sailed close to the ice edge, and that his officers had made detailed charts of their positions. It didn’t take long to figure out that these were the earliest historical records of the ice edge in the Chukchi Sea.

Where did you find the map?

The definitive versions of Captain Cook’s journals were published in several volumes in the 1950s and 1960s. Accompanying them is a large-format collection, “Charts & Views Drawn by Cook and his Officers and Reproduced from the Original Manuscripts.” Both are available at Suzzallo Library. In looking through the large-format collection, I found the chart by naval officer that became Figure 1 of my paper. The figure is actually just a portion of his original chart.

To learn more about it, I went to UW Libraries Special Collections and found “The Charts and Coastal Views of Captain Cook鈥檚 Voyages,” which had a lot of useful information, including reproductions of other charts made by Cook and his officers. There I also found a first edition, from 1784, of the published account of Cook’s third voyage. The original charts from that voyage are in various places around the world, including the U.K. and Australia, so I have not yet seen an original chart.

You note that the ice has been quickly retreating since the 1990s. Why have we only begun to see this in recent decades?

For hundreds of years 鈥� or maybe longer 鈥� the ice edge in the Chukchi Sea in August varied from year to year, but on average it was more or less where Cook found it in August 1778. With global warming, things began to change, but the cumulative effect before the 1990s was not noticeable above the year-to-year variability inherent in the system. Sometime in the 1990s the “signal” began to emerge from the background “noise” 鈥� that is, the northward retreat of the ice edge became larger than the typical year-to-year variability of the August ice edge. That’s when we started to notice that things were changing.

What strikes you most about the changes to Arctic sea ice since Cook’s failed voyage?

In the last 10 to15 years, the changes have been dramatic. The summer ice edge in the Chukchi Sea is now hundreds of miles farther north than it used to be. This has opened up the opportunity for many ships, mostly private yachts, to transit the Northwest Passage, and for oil companies to consider drilling in the Chukchi Sea. It’s also like polar bears and beluga whales. But one thing hasn’t changed: it’s still dangerous to navigate through ice-covered waters.

When will the Arctic Ocean be ice-free in summer, and when might the Northwest Passage be used for navigation?

Climate models predict a nearly ice-free summer Arctic Ocean by about 2060, but with a large spread among models (some predict decades earlier, some decades later). However, the actual observational record over the last 35 years shows that most models are too conservative and that a nearly ice-free summer Arctic Ocean is more likely to arrive in the 2020 to 2040 timeframe. Note that “nearly ice-free” is commonly used to mean that the ice extent in the Arctic Ocean is 1 million square kilometers or less. This compares with 7 to 8 million square kilometers for the summer sea-ice extent before the year 2000, and about 5 million sq. km in more recent years.

The Northwest Passage is a long and complex series of channels and waterways that wind through the Canadian Arctic Archipelago. While the Northwest Passage has been open in recent summers to small boats and occasional , it is not yet a commercially viable shipping route, for several reasons: ice can still be a hazard, the route is shallow and narrow in places, there are very few aids to navigation and there is no search-and-rescue capability in place.

I wouldn’t expect the Northwest Passage to become a major commercial shipping route anytime soon. On the other hand, the Northern Sea Route, which passes along the north coast of Russia, has been handling an increasing amount of commercial traffic in recent years and is probably a more viable shipping route. The Northwest Passage will continue to see more “destinational” shipping (e.g., to a northern port and then out by the same route) and more small-boat traffic.

Does anything else strike you about this map?

The chart included as Figure 1 in my paper is interesting beyond the fact that one can deduce the approximate sea-ice edge from it. It contains a handwritten note by calling attention to a “gross mistake” in which the same island has been plotted as two separate islands. Bligh writes: “How they have blundered to lay them down as two I cannot conceive.” Bligh was an officer on Cook’s third voyage, 1776-1780, but he is better known in connection with the mutiny on the HMS Bounty in 1789.

The chart also contains the handwritten word “Lisburne” at the site of Alaska’s modern-day Cape Lisburne, but it is not known who wrote that word on the chart, nor who came up with the name. Details like that add interest to the chart.

My dad is an antique map dealer, so maybe that’s where my interest comes from.

###

For more information, contact Stern at 206-543-7253 or hstern@uw.edu.

is a 天美影视传媒 professor of history and author of several books. He answered a few questions about his latest book, “,” published by Cambridge University Press.

“American Hippies” is an engaging and thorough history of the counterculture movement in the United States and its cultural and political ramifications, in the 1960s and to this day. How did you come to write it?

W.R.: In the 1960s I lived in the San Francisco Bay Area, the flower power epicenter, and while I was never a hippie, one of my best friends from high school spent 13 years living a countercultural life. So the topic always interested me. Hippies surged into prominence in the late ’60s and then declined. As a social historian, I became interested decades ago in this odd social movement. During my research, I realized that the counterculture’s multiple legacies truly did reshape American culture.

You note three themes underlying the American hippie experience: authenticity, individualism and community. Why did these concepts stand out, and what did they mean in the context of the hippie/counterculture movement?

W.R.: Although hippies often disagreed about beliefs and practices, they shared a desire to be authentic. Members of the counterculture condemned mainstream society for being conformist, rule-driven and uptight. Authenticity meant “doing your own thing.” Because freaks distrusted both society and government, individual decisions were applauded as the most authentic. This was exploratory and chaotic. At the same time, personal autonomy created loneliness and isolation, which explains why hippies yearned for community. Many hippies lived in certain urban neighborhoods, such as Fremont in Seattle, or in rural communes. Communes enabled residents to sort out their lives.

You focus on the American counterculture experience in this book. Was hippiedom, in your view, a primarily American cultural phenomenon? If so, why?

W.R.: In the ’60s the United States exuded incredible energy, which young people in other countries noticed. Television, Hollywood films and musical recordings started the global village. While the counterculture was centered in the United States, hippie communities could also be found in Vancouver, London, and Tokyo, all cities in countries with post-World War II baby booms. In many ways, hippies were announcing, “We are not like our parents.” One global commonality was the new rock music and especially the wide appeal of the Beatles, who espoused counterculture values, including psychedelic drugs and easy sex.

“Hippies . . . were young, white, and middle class, but they were never a majority of young Americans,鈥� you write. “Nonwhites rejected being hippies.” Why do you think this was so?

W.R.: Hippies came from white middle-class families and grew up in suburbs, which were very white. So were crowds at Woodstock and other rock festivals. They had little experience with people of other races. Hippies made African-Americans uncomfortable. While hippies sneered at success, poor young blacks had to fight to join the mainstream that freaks rejected. Young whites found their parents to be gluttons of consumer culture. Hippies saw that consumption failed to make their parents happy, but they did not understand that their parents were reacting to deprivation between 1929 and 1945. Young blacks craved consumer goods as signs of success and acceptance.

How did hippies relate to the rise of feminism in the ’60s?

W.R.: Hippie men treated women as sex objects to be tossed aside on a whim. Early on, few hippie women understood feminism, but after they found themselves discarded, they began to see their own exploitation, especially if they had to raise children alone. The love generation had a lot of children.

Similarly, how did hippies and the storied “free-love” counterculture deal with homosexuality? Does the 21^st century American acceptance of gay marriage have its roots in the hippie legacy?

W.R.: Most hippies were heterosexuals, but because hippies believed that sex was “no big deal,” closeted gay and lesbian hippies got cover inside the counterculture. Over time, more open sexual attitudes helped gays exit the closet. As attitudes changed, gay marriage was easier to accept.

The “most curious” legacy of the hippie movement, you write, “is the role that it played in the development of the personal computer, the rise of the high-tech industry and the emergence of Silicon Valley.” Would you briefly explain that connection?

W.R.: Because hippies believed in personal freedom and hated big corporations, they embraced the idea of a personal computer to empower the individual (or small business) and displace IBM, which controlled most of the world’s computing power. Steve Jobs, the co-founder of Apple, came out of the Bay Area’s counterculture. He started building computers at a hippie computer club in Menlo Park a couple of blocks from where Jerry Garcia had lived when he had founded the Grateful Dead.

Connections between the hippie movement and such current events as Burning Man seem obvious. But you also connect Harry Potter and Star Wars to the counterculture’s move to the mainstream. What do these entertaining fictional worlds owe to the hippies?

W.R.: Hippies had a moral vision of the world, and so do the Star Wars films. Luke Skywalker is a technologically empowered individual living an authentic life defending his community. J. K. Rowling builds on these themes in the Harry Potter books, but she adds fantasy, mysticism and the supernatural. These are counterculture values. Freaks felt that mainstream society had gone awry because it was too scientific and too rational. At times, hippies argued, feelings were more important. Rowling entreats the reader to trust in feelings.

Finally, what would you like readers to take away from “American Hippies”? And if they had one more book to read about that culture and era, what would you suggest?

W.R.: “American Hippies” is a short overview that explores how the ’60s counterculture changed American society and its culture. The changes were about drugs, sex and rock music, but they proved to be about much more, including high-tech, natural foods and looser child-rearing practices. Two excellent personal memoirs are Roberta Price’s “,” and Peter Coyote’s “.”

听###

For more information about “American Hippies,” contact Rorabaugh at 206-543-9856 or rorabaug@uw.edu.

Q: What’s the concept behind this book and how did it come about?

A: The book addresses the issues of American empire and institutional failure by asking why a nation founded on a severe distrust of permanent armies and centralized power developed and perpetuated the most powerful military in history. I wanted to know why it is that the U.S. spends more on the military than every other item in the budget added together, with the exception of entitlements like Social Security and Medicare. Even with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan winding down, Congress still continues to allocate nearly as much money for the military as every other country in the world 鈥� combined.

I found that since World War II, large defense budgets were not only a response to heightened national security concerns, but also became an integral component of the nation’s economic and foreign policy apparatus. Meanwhile, most of the burdens associated with military establishments and wars were gradually shifted onto political minorities and non-voting populations. This frees presidents to launch military actions without authorization or democratic deliberation 鈥� an outcome that the constitutional framers feared and tried to prevent.

Q: You describe Congress strictly controlling military spending prior to World War II but allowing larger budgets and vastly expanded presidential power thereafter. What brought on this change?

A: For most of the nation’s history, large armies were expensive and difficult to maintain. Permanent military readiness drained public revenue, disrupted commercial pursuits and imposed large burdens on the populace who served in the armed forces and paid a higher tax burden in wartime.

However, World War II motivated full-scale military mobilization. The war was also a massive macroeconomic stimulus. The U.S. had the world’s 16^th largest army and greater than 14 percent unemployment rate in 1939, and emerged as an economic and military superpower when the war was over. While the threat of the Soviet empire compelled continued military readiness, defense spending had also become a crucial part of many local and regional economies. Ongoing government investments in military technology generated hundreds of billions of dollars in revenue each year, while employing millions of Americans across every state and most U.S. counties.

As defense spending transformed the economic landscape, policies also reduced the public costs of military spending and war. Greater reliance on deficit spending circumvented the traditional need to rely on the current tax base to maintain weapons platforms or commit troops abroad.

An all-volunteer force eliminated the draft, and since the 1990s, private military contractors were employed in U.S. warzones. The intensification of drone strikes makes it possible to engage in overseas conflicts without even deploying US troops or placing American lives at risk.

Q: You write that earlier studies may have understated the political influences behind defense spending. How so? And how does your work clarify this?

A: While hundreds of case studies show that political representatives aggressively support weapons programs built in their states and districts, most statistical research suggests that the economic benefits that flow from defense activity do not influence members’ support for military spending systematically.

Unlike earlier work, I built a unique dataset consisting of the nationwide locations of major military industries, such as Lockheed Martin, Boeing or Raytheon. I found that districts with less diverse economies are disproportionately reliant on defense dollars that they receive. By accounting for local reliance on the military industry, I show powerful interests in ongoing defense spending among an important subset of Congress members that previous scholars have missed.

Q: You write that military industrialization’s expansion into suburbs, towns and rural regions “generated pervasive dependence on the defense sector to sustain employment and revenue.” What have been the long-term effects of this?

A: Defense funds are a particular important source of jobs, revenue and capital in geographically remote areas that lack diverse economies. Just as members of Congress representing agricultural, automobile or oil-dependent districts support widely shared local interests, I found that the most consistent legislative supporters of military spending and war are over-represented in the areas that are inordinately reliant on the defense spending they receive. These members stand to gain politically by supplying defense resources regardless of the geopolitical climate.

The long-term effects are two-fold: Local defense dependence not only encourages inefficient and unnecessary military spending, but also makes it particularly difficult for Congress to limit or prevent the president’s unauthorized or ill-advised military ventures.

Q: Finally, what do you hope readers take away from this book?

A: Ongoing defense spending advances the short-term political, economic and geopolitical interests of policymakers and American majorities, while empowering presidents to carry out their policies militarily鈥攔egardless of devastating costs imposed elsewhere.

His new book, “” was published in November by Palgrave Macmillan. He answered a few questions about the book for UW Today.

Q: What’s the concept behind this book?

A: The book is about the power of song and the human spirit. John Handcox, born in eastern Arkansas in 1904, grew up at one of the worst times and in one of the worst places to be black in America. He used his African-American song traditions to help desperately poor white and black agricultural workers organize together in Ku Klux Klan country during the Great Depression. They created one of the most remarkable social movements in American history. John showed that music is a powerful force to unite people for change.

Q: How did you come to write about John Handcox?

A: Folklorist and musician Pete Seeger introduced me to John in 1985 at a labor arts forum held outside of Washington, D.C. Ralph Rinzler, the director of the folklife program at the Smithsonian Institution, asked me to interview John about his life and music. The rest, as they say, is history.

Q: You write, “Much as rap artists did in later years, John weaponized the spoken word.” It’s a powerful phrase 鈥� would you expand on your meaning?

John painted word pictures to help people to see their plight and do something about it. He wrote:

“The planter lives off the sweat of the sharecropper鈥檚 brow,
How the sharecropper lives, the planter cares not how.
The Sharecropper works and he toils and sweats,
The planter brings him out in debt.

Planter what the heaven is the matter with you?
What has your labor ever done to you?
Upon his back you just sit and ride.
Don’t you think your labor gonna ever get tired?”

Q: Handcox disappeared from public life for decades. What were the circumstances of his departure and his return?

A: Plantation holders and their henchmen gathered a lynch mob to get him and John wanted to shoot it out, but his mother convinced him that the whole family would be killed if he did. John fled Arkansas for Memphis in 1937 and began writing songs.

He became a traveling organizer, poet, singer and songwriter for the Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union. 聽Jail, arrests, beatings and murder destroyed the union. John and his family went west to San Diego, and people in the union movement thought he had died. He worked as a carpenter and selling produce from his backyard until folklorists rediscovered him nearly 50 years later.

Q: You quote Handcox late in life saying, “What workers need today is more unity and less union.” What caused this comment from him, and what is its meaning? Did it signal a change in his overall attitude toward unions?

A: To maintain the privileges of white workers, the carpenters union in San Diego first excluded him from work and then made him work at lower pay, until he broke down their barriers of racial discrimination. “More unity and less union” is what he demanded.

The existence of racial discrimination in the work world did not dim John’s support for unions 鈥� quite the contrary 鈥� and he continued to sing “Solidarity Forever” as well as his composition, “Roll the Union On.”

Q: Finally, what do you hope will be the legacy of John Handcox, assisted by this book?

A: John Handcox wanted us to remember and celebrate the fact that people can unite even under the worst of conditions and that song can help them to do it. His life and his songs and poems stand as a testament to this fact. Even as multinational corporations make inordinate profits by driving down the wages and living standards of workers today, it is always possible, John believed, “to make this a better world.”

Watch a video of John Handcox talking and singing “I Live On.

He only came to get the iconic footage through a series of coincidences and later regretted what he had done. It was the last film he would ever shoot.

The 26.6 seconds of color film that Abraham Zapruder shot in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963, became arguably the most widely known, discussed and analyzed bit of film in history 鈥� showing as it did the assassination of a president.

The Zapruder film seems a natural entry into the series of podcasts created by , professor in the .

In the podcasts, Janes explores the origin and often evolving meaning of historical documents both famous and less known. UW Today presents these periodically, and all of the podcasts are available online at the Information School . And though the film in itself did not alter history, it depicted a moment when the nation changed forever.

“If it’s not the most scrutinized motion picture ever, it must have the greatest ratio of eyeballs to frames of all time,” Janes says in the podcast.

“We all know the film, at least hazily, but as is so often the case, the small details are less widely known 鈥� all the coincidences and chance happenings that led him to get the film at all, the angle he got, the view he got,” Janes said. “The saga of that day in getting the film developed and copied, and then the subsequent developments through publication, investigations, government seizure 鈥� and tons of controversy.

Janes said he carefully scrutinized the sources he used for information about the footage, since so many had an agenda or a conspiratorial point of view.

“Every detail from the tiniest to the most profound is endlessly debated with no hope of resolution. What happened to the six frames that are ‘missing’ from many versions? Most sources agree that they were damaged by a Life magazine technician, but were they really?”

Zapruder witnessed the assassination through a viewfinder, even magnified by a telephoto lens, and filmed what he saw.

“As the only complete image we have of the event, it is, as I say, the reservoir of our memory and the lodestone of our controversy, and likely always will be,” Janes said. “In the future, fewer and fewer events will go unrecorded, though whether that ultimately helps our understanding and memory is yet to be determined.”

This is the 25^th installment in the Documents that Changed the World podcast series. The podcasts are also available on , with about 52,000 downloads there so far.

Previous stories in the 鈥淒ocuments that Changed the World鈥� series

Q: What’s the concept behind this book?

A: Doing an earlier book on the Federal Theatre Project I kept running across references to Jasper Deeter and I was intrigued by the praise and by the lack of information. So after retiring, I had some time to explore his career at Hedgerow, which he founded in the 1920s, and I was struck by his vision and accomplishments.

It was audacious to found a theater literally in the woods that became a beacon for all the causes that we found ennobling in the 20th century: Equal rights for blacks and minorities, freedom to challenge violence and military conscription, sensitivity to the environment and sustainability, and devotion to the notion that the theater can be about ideas and not just for making money.

Truth and beauty were not just buzz words at Hedgerow but part of a lifestyle that empowered them for 30 years of continuous production and established them as America’s most important repertory theater.

Q: You write that Hedgerow played in repertory fashion. What exactly is meant by repertory, in this context?

A: Repertory is a method of production whereby a company of actors is hired to perform a variety of roles in productions that alternate nightly. It was the way most theaters operated until the mid-19^th century when the “starring system” and the popularity of “long runs” forced them to abandon repertory or modify it into weekly changes of fare. Deeter wanted to restore true repertory with its invitation to “come any night.”

Q: How many plays were in active rotation at once? And what was the benefit of the repertory format to the theater and its audience?

A: Deeter liked to add three to five new titles each year so they kept 18 to 20 in the active repertory. He believed that repertory stretched acting ability and hence was the best training, and for audiences it provided variety and exposure to many more plays.聽聽聽

Q: Deeter believed repertory was “the only model of theater that will allow the actor to grow and discover.” Why?

A: He believed that acting only the “type” that you are was not challenging to performers. He wanted actors to embrace a variety of roles so that they could develop a tool box of skills.

Q: Deeter called Hedgerow the only “rooted growth” theater in the nation. What did he mean?

A: It meant a lot of things to him. He wanted the theater to be rooted in its environment. That meant respect for the natural world as well as a sensitivity to how climate and given circumstances of the material world affected acting choices.

He also wanted his theater to exist in harmony with rural America and for his company to live when possible off the land. He wanted to encourage local actors to participate and become part of a local “company” which would sustain their livelihood in the community. A lot of this sounds very utopian but he did make it work for a long time.

聽Q: What was the Hedgerow Theatre’s connection to the arts and crafts movement, and how did that affect its work?

A: I think the major influence 鈥� other than sculptor ‘s presence 鈥� was devotion to the idea that “honest labor is its own reward” and that the making of theater can be an honest career choice and not a way to accumulate wealth and material objects.

Q: What has the Hedgerow Theatre’s legacy been for regional theater in the United States?

A: I think they demonstrated that repertory could still work. Most of the 1960 regional companies from The Guthrie to the Seattle Rep were founded as “repertory endeavors.” Unfortunately, the economics of 20^th century production could not sustain true repertory work.

DNA analysis is unearthing the origins of the Minoans, who some 5,000 years ago established the first advanced Bronze Age civilization in present-day Crete. The findings suggest they arose from an ancestral Neolithic population that had arrived in the region about 4,000 years earlier.

The British archeologist Sir Arthur Evans in the early 1900鈥檚 named the Minoans after a legendary Greek king, Minos. Based on similarities between Minoan artifacts and those from Egypt and Libya, Evans proposed that the Minoan civilization founders migrated into the area from North Africa. Since then, other archaeologists have suggested that the Minoans may have come from other regions, possibly Turkey, the Balkans, or the Middle East.

Now, a team of researchers in the United States and Greece has used mitochondrial DNA analysis of Minoan skeletal remains to determine the likely ancestors of these ancient people.

Mitochondria, the energy powerhouses of cells, contain their own DNA, or genetic code. Because mitochondrial DNA is passed down from mothers to their children via the human egg, it contains information about maternal ancestry.

Results published May 14 in Nature Communications suggest that the Minoan civilization arose from the population already living in Bronze Age Crete. The findings indicate that these people probably were descendents of the first humans to reach Crete about 9,000 years ago, and that they have the greatest genetic similarity with modern European populations.

Read the .

Dr. George Stamatoyannopoulos, 天美影视传媒 professor of medicine and genome sciences, is the paper鈥檚 senior author. He believes that the data highlight the importance of DNA analysis as a tool for understanding human history.

鈥淎bout 9,000 years ago,鈥� he noted, 鈥渢here was an extensive migration of Neolithic humans from the regions of Anatolia that today comprise parts of Turkey and the Middle East. At the same time, the first Neolithic inhabitants reached Crete.鈥�

鈥淥ur mitochondrial DNA analysis shows that the Minoan鈥檚 strongest genetic relationships are with these Neolithic humans, as well as with ancient and modern Europeans,鈥� he explained.

鈥淭hese results suggest the Minoan civilization arose 5,000 years ago in Crete from an ancestral Neolithic population that had arrived in the region about 4,000 years earlier,鈥� he said. 鈥淥ur data suggest that the Neolithic population that gave rise to the Minoans also migrated into Europe and gave rise to modern European peoples.鈥�

Stamatoyannopoulos, who directs the UW Markey Molecular Medicine Center and who formerly headed the UW Division of Medical Genetics in the Department of Medicine, added, 鈥淕enetic analyses are playing in increasingly important role and predicting and protecting human health. Our study underscores the importance of DNA not only in helping us to have healthier futures, but also to understand our past.鈥�

Stamatoyannopoulos and his research team analyzed samples from 37 skeletons found in a cave in Crete鈥檚 Lassithi plateau and compared them with mitochondrial DNA sequences from 135 modern and ancient human populations. The Minoan samples revealed 21 distinct mitochondrial DNA variations, of which six were unique to the Minoans and 15 were shared with modern and ancient populations. None of the Minoans carried mitochondrial DNA variations characteristic of African populations.

Further analysis showed that the Minoans were only distantly related to Egyptian, Libyan, and other North African populations. The Minoan shared the greatest percentage of their mitochondrial DNA variation with European populations, especially those in Northern and Western Europe.

When plotted geographically, shared Minoan mitochondrial DNA variation was lowest in North Africa and increased progressively across the Middle East, Caucasus, Mediterranean islands, Southern Europe, and mainland Europe. The highest percentage of shared Minoan mitochondrial DNA variation was found with Neolithic populations from Southern Europe.

The analysis also showed a high degree of sharing with the current population of the Lassithi plateau and Greece. In fact, the maternal genetic information passed down through many generations of mitochondria is still present in modern-day residents of the Lassithi plateau.

Co-authors of the study are Jeffery R. Hughey of Hartnell College; Peristera Paschou of Democritus University of Thrace; Petros Drineas of the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute; Manolis Michalodimitrakis of the University of Crete; and Donald Mastropaolo, Dimitra M. Lotakis, Patrick A. Navas, and John A. Stamatoyannopoulos of the 天美影视传媒. The study was partially supported by a grant from the National Institutes of Health (5T32 GM007454), as well as from private funding.

###